Artur Beterbiev beats Dmitry Bivol to win undisputed light heavyweight championship – as it happened | Boxing

Tale of the tape

Here’s a look at how Beterbiev and Bivol measure up ahead of tonight’s main event. Physically, there’s not much to separate these former Russian amateur teammates: Beterbiev has the slightest of advantages in reach while Bivol has an even scanter edge in height. Both came in just beneath the light heavyweight division limit of 175lbs at yesterday’s weigh-in.

Artur Beterbiev v Dmitry Bivol: undisputed light heavyweight championship

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Key events

That’s all for tonight. Thanks for following along with us and be sure to check out the full fight report here.

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“I have to do everything perfect,” Bivol says afterward. “And I don’t have any explanation because it could look like excuses. I just … Congratulations to Artur and his team. He deserves it.”

Bivol is asked if he felt Beterbiev’s power at any point during the fight. He gestures to the ample bruising around his eyes, but notes that most of them came from his own gloves as he blocked his opponent’s offerings.

“He’s powerful,” he says. “Very powerful. And you see, I have a bruise from my from my hand. [His punching] was so hard, even he reached my eye.”

Would he want to fight a rematch?

“Why not? Of course,” he says. “If I had this chance, yes. This is my dream to be undisputed.”

Dmitry Bivol looks on after suffering his first professional defeat. Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
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“I don’t know why, but I didn’t like this fight,” Beterbiev tells the in-ring interviewer. “But I’ll be better one day.” From there he’s mostly short and to the point.

Was it a tough fight?

“It’s not tough,” he says. “It’s like a little bit uncomfortable. He is world champion, too. He has good skills. But today, Allah chose me.”

What changes did he make during the fight?

“During the fight, we always try to change something,” he says. “I wanted to punch him. Maybe that’s why I delivered more punches. I don’t know.”

How does it feel to go the distance for the first time after knocking out 20 straight opponents to start his career?

“It’s a new experience,” he says. “I’m happy that for that. Even Muhammad Ali have fights [that went the] full distance. I’m not a bad boxer.”

Artur Beterbiev celebrates with all his belts. Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
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Artur Beterbiev wins by majority decision!

Beterbiev is the undisputed light heavyweight champion of world after winning a majority decision. Two judges handed down scores of 116-112 and 115-113 for Beterbiev while the other had it 114-114 (as did the Guardian).

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Round 12

Bivol looked completely tapped out by the end of the 11th round and he doesn’t look much better at the start of the 12th. Beterbiev is moving straight ahead, throwing and landing more shots as Bivol conjures every ounce of technique to block, parry and generally fend off a determined opponent with power combinations. A very close round to end a very close, high-level match between two elite competitors. Wonderful stuff.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 10-9 Bivol (Beterbiev 114-114 Bivol)

Artur Beterbiev lands a punch on Dmitry Bivol. Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
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Round 11

What a fight! Beterbiev’s power shots have finally broken through and Bivol is taking an alarming volume of punches. Bivol is moving backwards, visibly fatigues, as Beterbiev stalks forward and lands blows in combination. Bivol tries to tie up his foe in vain and is left in survival mode until the bell. The best round of the fight for Beterbiev, easily. Three more minutes.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 10-9 Bivol (Beterbiev 104-105 Bivol)

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Round 10

Bivol’s disciplined defense and technical skill are on full display. He’s landing the crisper shots while nearly all of Beterbiev’s shots are failing to reach the target, mostly landing in Bivol’s gloves. Beterbiev finished the frame strong but it wasn’t enough to swing the round.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 9-10 Bivol (Beterbiev 94-96 Bivol)

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Round 9

An excellent round by Bivol right when it felt like things were slipping away. Bivol returns to boxing behind that jab and using lateral movement and feints to keep the hard-hitting Beterbiev off balance. Now it’s Beterbiev who is starting to look a little discouraged with three rounds to go.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 9-10 Bivol (Beterbiev 85-86 Bivol)

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Round 8

More constant pressure from Beterbiev, finding ways to penetrate his foe’s high guard. Bivol is slowing down and appears to be taking the round off. He tries to steal it in the last 15 seconds, firing off about a dozen unanswered punches, all of which are swallowed up by Beterbiev’s guard.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 10-9 Bivol (Beterbiev 76-76 Bivol)

Dmitry Bivol lets his hands go against Artur Beterbiev. Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
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Round 7

A promising start to the seventh for Bivol, who returns to the formula that was working so well for him in the early rounds. Bivol then catches Beterbiev with a left hand flush to the jaw on the back end of a one-two combination. And Beterbiev looks hurt! Bivol is chasing down the puncher. But he overcommits and Beterbiev swings the action back in his favor, trapping Bivol against the ropes and opening up. He’s lucky the bell sounded when it did. Close round to score but Beterbiev nicks it here.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 10-9 Bivol (Beterbiev 66-67 Bivol)

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Round 6

Beterbiev is starting to catch up to Bivol along the ropes more and more often, landing a couple of thudding shots the appear to visibly slow him down. Bivol under intense mental and physical duress at the moment as the hard-charging Beterbiev looks to turn the tide.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 10-9 Bivol (Beterbiev 56-58 Bivol)

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Round 5

Beterbiev continues to chart improvement, throwing more punches than Bivol with most of them landing on the younger man’s guard. Beterbiev is relentless in there, in full seek-and-destroy mode and fighting downhill as Bivol continues to jab and counter off the back foot. Bivol lands a crunching left hook with about a half-minute to go but Beterbiev finishes the round with a flurry of activity, doing just enough to shade the round on our card.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 10-9 Bivol (Beterbiev 46-49 Bivol)

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Round 4

Beterbiev’s plodding, unsparing pressure not quite enough to offset Bivol’s workrate and effectiveness with the jab, but he’s closing the distance incrementally. Another round for Bivol but this will be the test of a lifetime for his stamina and endurance if he’s to keep this up for the scheduled 12 rounds, especially as Beterbiev begins to find a home for his jab.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 9-10 Bivol (Beterbiev 36-40 Bivol)

Dmitry Bivol lands a shot on Artur Beterbiev. Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
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Round 3

More of the same from Bivol, who is countering beautifully but also opening up and landing some hard shots in combination. But Beterbiev is doing a better job of closing the distance, moving Bivol closer to the ropes with educated pressure and landing punishing blows of his down. Bivol nicks the round but Beterbiev, traditionally a slow starter, is very much in this fight.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 9-10 Bivol (Beterbiev 27-30 Bivol)

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Round 2

Beterbiev is doing more to dictate the pace early in the second, forcing the issue and trying to disrupt his opponent from settling into a rhythm. But Bivol is boxing beautifully with the jab, maintaining distance, using lateral movement and scoring points with crisp counters. According to Compubox’s punch statistics, Bivol is outlanding Beterbiev by a 26-11 edge.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 9-10 Bivol (Beterbiev 18-20 Bivol)

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Round 1

There’s the bell! Bivol throws the first blow, firing the left jab to keep Beterbiev. Beterbiev on the front foot, looking to counter-punch. Bivol is looking to maintain the distance. After a minute it’s largely a feeling-out round, but a tense one! Bivol is doing more behind the jab, enough to win the first, but both men open up near the end of the frame with Bivol showing he’s not afraid to exchange in the pocket.

Guardian’s unofficial score: Beterbiev 9-10 Bivol (Beterbiev 9-10 Bivol)

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The fighters have been announced by ring announcer Michael Buffer. The final instructions have been given by referee Thomas Taylor the seconds are out and we’ll pick it up with round-by-round coverage from here!

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The fighters are making their ringwalks. First it’s Artur Beterbiev, in a spartan kit of white T-shirt and red trunks, approaching the ring at a full canter as Rizavdi Ismailov’s Вперед Ахмат plays from the arena soundsystem. Now it’s Dmitry Bivol’s turn and he’s making his way to the squared circle at a similarly frenetic pace. Both of these guys can’t wait to get started. A quick pause for the national anthem of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and Michael Buffer is moving forward with the introductions. Not much longer now.

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Ciara, Busta Rhymes and Missy Elliott have taken the stage. From a production standpoint it’s at least on par with a Grey Cup half-time show if not the Super Bowl. The 15-minute spectacular is closed by Missy’s Lose Control with the newly minted Rock & Roll Hall of Famer earning the highest marks of the three by some distance. The fighters should be making their entrances in the next few minutes.

Ciara Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
Busta Rhymes Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
Missy Elliott Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
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Time change: US TV coverage to start at 5.30pm

Timings update! Top Rank Promotions has announced that US television coverage of tonight’s main event on ESPN+ will now begin at 5.30pm ET – five minutes from now – instead of 6pm as originally scheduled. Remember: there’s a concert spectacular featuring Ciara, Busta Rhymes and Missy Elliott before we even think about the fighter entrances. What a time to be alive.

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The broadcasters for tonight’s main event are spinning their wheels with 40 minutes to go until the main event. DAZN has just brought on Wardley’s promoter, Queensberry supremo Frank Warren, who said that Clarke suffered a fractured cheekbone in the co-main.

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“I went into that first fight with a lot of background stuff, a lot of things,” Wardley said after tonight’s stunning first-round TKO. “We got them fixed up. We got the game plan right. We put it together [and] executed on the night.

“Sometimes, war is needed. Sometimes a little bit of brains is needed. But I took enough assessment from the first fight to know, like I said in all of the interviews, I had success in that war mode. We just needed to cuten it a little bit. We just needed to be a little bit sweeter, put it together a little bit nicer, set things up a little bit better, disguise them a little bit better. But look, I can’t help it. War by name, war by nature.

“Once I have my enemies hurt, there’s there’s no help for them unless that bell comes. That’s the only thing that will save you.”

Asked what he wants next, the 29-year-old is to the point.

“I want belts, I want titles,” he says. “These look great and stuff, but I want the ones that say ‘world champion’. Whoever else is hunting them, we’re going to have to meet here.”

Fabio Wardley, left, celebrates victory over Frazer Clarke on Saturday night in Riyadh. Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
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Tale of the tape

Here’s a look at how Beterbiev and Bivol measure up ahead of tonight’s main event. Physically, there’s not much to separate these former Russian amateur teammates: Beterbiev has the slightest of advantages in reach while Bivol has an even scanter edge in height. Both came in just beneath the light heavyweight division limit of 175lbs at yesterday’s weigh-in.

Artur Beterbiev v Dmitry Bivol: undisputed light heavyweight championship

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Fabio Wardley beats Frazer Clarke by first-round knockout!

A sensational first-round knockout in the co-main event at Riyadh’s Kingdom Arena. Wardley detonates a concussive overhand right hand on Clarke’s jaw that badly hurts the Tokyo Olympic bronze medalist near the end of the opening frame, then unloads until Clarke goes to the canvas in a heap. Clarke makes it to his feet but he’s simply not there and referee Victor Loughlin correctly waves it off.

That means there will be a nearly hour-and-a-half wait until the main event, which cannot begin until 1pm local time (11pm in London, 6pm in New York).

Fabio Wardley, left, stopped Frazer Clarke in the first round of Saturday’s rematch in Riyadh. Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
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Frazer Clarke has made his way into the ring for his British and Commonwealth heavyweight title bout with Fabio Wardley. It’s a rematch of their gripping encounter from March, which ended in a draw. This one could very well steal the show.

Our Donald McRae spoke with Clarke in the run-up.

“I wanted to have breakfast with the British title over my lap – and it wasn’t there. People don’t understand my life and the sacrifices I make, the time I can’t spend with my loved ones, my kids who I missed taking their first steps or saying their first words because I was away at a training camp. People never understand how hard it is to be a boxer.”

I show Clarke a photograph of the canvas after his fight with Wardley. It looks like a Jackson Pollock painting where blood rather than paint has been sprayed and splashed across the canvas. “I’ve seen that photo,” he says, “and it definitely tells a story and shows the reality of our sport.

“I love boxing but it’s dangerous and I have a beautiful family who come first. That photograph is a little reminder that you don’t want it to be your blood. But I’m human and I wouldn’t want to do any lasting damage to anyone.”

Wardley admitted that such fights can take years off a boxer’s career. “In some cases, definitely,” Clarke agrees. “You want an exciting fight but you don’t ever want one like that.”

Clarke then grins helplessly. “But we’re fighters and so, in a strange way, I enjoyed it. Then when you look back you think: ‘Bloody hell!’ A lot of people ask: ‘How do you do it?’ The honest answer is I don’t know.”

When the draw was announced, Clarke looked more disappointed than Wardley. “I knew it was close but a draw was devastating. Still, Fabio and I had a few words full of respect in the changing room. I thanked him because he brought the best out of me.

“It was a really emotional night but there was a beautiful moment when I walked into the bar at the Intercontinental, at the O2, to a standing ovation from 300 people. Everyone wanted to buy me a drink. People were singing my name. Fabio walks in two minutes later to silence. That spoke volumes.”

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His Excellency Turki Alalshikh has taken the stage to give away a Mercedes G-Wagon. He hits a big red button and the cameras eventually train on to a woman in hijab seated in the north grandstand. Kool & The Gang’s Celebration blasts from the arena soundsystem as she makes her way to the floor to receive the keys. It sure beats the T-shirt cannon!

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Jai Opetaia has just stopped Britain’s Jack Massey after Masse’s corner threw in the towel during the sixth round. The 29-year-old Sydneysider has successfully defended his IBF cruiserweight title and it leaves only one more undercard bout: Frazer Clarke and Fabio Wardley for the British and Commonwealth heavyweight title. After that, Beterbiev and Bivol will make their entrances.

Jai Opetaia, right, lands a punch on Jack Massey during the IBF cruiserweight title fight. Photograph: Richard Pelham/Getty Images
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Preamble

Hello and welcome to Riyadh’s Kingdom Arena for tonight’s summit meeting between Artur Beterbiev and Dmitry Bivol. There are big fights. There are blockbusters. And there are events like this one which promise to define an era. Tonight’s long-awaited showdown between two unbeaten veterans of the ring and former Russian amateur teammates not simply a delicious clash of styles, but promises to determine generational supremecy in the 175lbs division.

Beterbiev (20-0, 20 KO), the WBC, IBF and WBO light heavyweight champion, is a Russian-born Canadian knockout artist known for his relentless pressure and devastating power. Bivol (23-0, 12 KO), the Kyrgyzstan-born and California-based technician who holds the WBA strap, is better known for deft counter-punching, disciplined defense and ring intelligence. (Ask Canelo Álvarez.)

Bivol will look to neutralize Beterbiev’s pressure by maintaining distance, using lateral movement and scoring with crisp jabs and counters. Beterbiev will aim to close the distance, cut off the ring and impose his power with in-fighting and body work. The outcome could hinge on who can impose their style on the other.

The main event should kick off in about two hours’ time. Plenty more to come between now and then.

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Bryan will be here shortly. In the meantime here’s a look at Friday’s weigh-ins, where Beterbiev (174.9lbs) and Bivol (174.12lbs) both came in narrowly under the division limit.

Beterbiev and Bivol both made weight after of Saturday’s hotly anticipated light heavyweight title fight.
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‘The fear is unspeakable’: airstrikes on northern Gaza leave hundreds of thousands with nowhere to go | Israel-Gaza war

At least 22 people have been killed in airstrikes in northern Gaza, with Israeli forces stepping up their campaign on the besieged Palestinian territory even as fighting in the new war in Lebanon escalates.

On Saturday, the Israel Defense Forces (IDF) renewed its evacuation orders for Palestinians still living in the decimated northern half of Gaza, although many residents say the fighting and Israeli sniper fire make it impossible to leave.

Avichay Adraee, an IDF spokesperson, told people that the area includes parts of Gaza City’s Sheikh Radwan neighbourhood and sections around Jabalia, the urban refugee camp.

In a social media post, Adraee asked people living there to head south to al-Mawasi, a coastal area of southern Gaza where hundreds of thousands of people are already displaced. A total of 84% of the territory is currently under evacuation orders, pushing civilians into ever-dwindling “humanitarian zones” which Israel has bombed regardless.

The UN says an estimated 400,000 people are trapped by the latest ground fighting and artillery fire centred in Jabalia, which has now entered a second week.

“It is getting tougher every day. The fear and the conditions are unspeakable,” said Badr Alzaharna, 25, from Gaza City. “I cannot leave. I want to travel but I can’t. Rafah crossing has been closed since May.”

Residents fleeing Gaza on Saturday. Photograph: Anadolu/Getty Images

Gaza’s ministry of health appealed on Friday for medical teams to be allowed access to the northern half of the strip to evacuate the wounded, and for fuel deliveries to the north’s struggling hospitals, warning that civilians caught up in the intense shelling and airstrikes are running out of food and water. Seven World Health Organization missions were impeded from access to northern Gaza by Israeli forces this week, the UN body said. Also on Saturday, the World Food Programme, the UN food agency, reported that no food aid has reached northern Gaza since 1 October, with a 35% drop in the supply of food to families around the rest of Gaza, raising new fears of extreme hunger and famine that have already plagued the strip for a year.

The last food supplies – canned food, flour, high-energy biscuits and nutrition supplements – have been distributed to shelters and health facilities in the north, and it is unclear how long they will last. Israel has consistently denied blocking aid and food to Gaza.

Airstrikes overnight on Friday on Jabalia destroyed an entire building and severely damaged several more, according to medics and first responders, who are still recovering missing people from under the rubble and ruins created by a 20-metre deep impact crater.

At least six women and seven children were among the dead, and a strike in another part of Jabalia in the early hours of Saturday killed two parents and injured their baby, the health ministry in the Hamas-run territory said. Hospitals across Gaza reported receiving a total of 49 bodies and 219 wounded people in the past 24 hours.

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Displaced Palestinians in the northern Gaza Strip on Saturday. Photograph: Dawoud Abu Alkas/Reuters

The IDF did not immediately respond to a request for comment on the latest strikes and civilian deaths in Gaza.

Israel has nominally controlled the northern half of Gaza since the beginning of the year, and has cut the territory in two by creating what it calls the Netzarim corridor, which separates what was once the densely populated Gaza City from the rest of the strip. However, it has since frequently re-entered Gaza City and other areas in the north of the strip where it says Hamas fighters are regrouping.

In Lebanon, the health authority said that 60 people were killed and another 168 wounded in the past 24 hours, and the United Nations peacekeeping force that operates on the blue line separating Israel and Lebanon said its headquarters in Naqoura had been targeted a second time. It was not immediately clear who was responsible for the fire.

Israel stepped up its campaign against the Lebanese militia Hezbollah last month after a year of tit-for-tat fire triggered by Hamas’s 7 October attack and the ensuing war in Gaza.

The new war in Lebanon has heightened the risk of a region-wide escalation drawing in Iran and the US. Ceasefire talks on ending the fighting in Gaza have been stalled since July.

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Scottish DJ Jack Revill AKA Jackmaster dies aged 38 | Dance music

The Scottish DJ and producer Jack Revill, known to many as Jackmaster, has died aged 38, his family has announced.

Revill died in Ibiza on Saturday morning after “complications arising from an accidental head injury”, his family said.

A statement said: “It is with profound sorrow that we confirm the untimely passing of Jack Revill, known to many as Jackmaster.

“Jack tragically died in Ibiza on the morning of October 12, following complications arising from an accidental head injury.

“His family – Kate, Sean and Johnny – are utterly heartbroken.

“While deeply touched by the overwhelming support from friends, colleagues, and fans, the family kindly requests privacy as they navigate the immense grief of this devastating loss.”

Born in Glasgow, Revill worked at the well-known record shop Rubadub in Glasgow, and went on to become the co-founder of the record label Numbers.

He had recently released the single Nitro, featuring Kid Enigma, telling Electronic Groove music magazine: “It was about feeling hyped and inspired in the club.

“Sadly, those moments are rare now. Blame the phones and people who don’t dance.

“I am so grateful for my fans, but I got into music because I love dancing. It’s a lost art form at the moment, I think.”

The electronic duo Disclosure were among those paying tribute, writing on Instagram: “Can’t believe this. Heart broken. Thank you for all the amazing memories & inspiration Jack. This is just awful awful awful.”

A post from the official Instagram account of DU duo CamelPhat on Revill’s Instagram page said: “Can’t believe what I’m reading… in an industry full of Ego you were hands down one of the nicest fellas we ever met along the way. Our thoughts are with family & friends. RIP my friend x”.

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Alex Salmond, former first minister of Scotland, dies aged 69 | Alex Salmond

Alex Salmond, the former first minister of Scotland who led Scotland to the brink of independence, has died at the age of 69.

Salmond served as first minister of Scotland from 2007. He stood down from the role after failing to secure independence in the 2014 referendum, handing over to his deputy, Nicola Sturgeon.

Reports suggested that he collapsed after delivering a speech in North Macedonia on Saturday.

Scotland’s first minister, John Swinney, said he was “deeply shocked and saddened”.

“Alex worked tirelessly and fought fearlessly for the country that he loved and for her independence. He took the Scottish National party from the fringes of Scottish politics into government and led Scotland so close to becoming an independent country.”

The British prime minister, Keir Starmer, said Salmond had been a “monumental figure” for more than 30 years.

“He leaves behind a lasting legacy,” he said. “As first minister of Scotland he cared deeply about Scotland’s heritage, history and culture, as well as the communities he represented as MP and MSP over many years of service.

“My thoughts are with those who knew him, his family and his loved ones. On behalf of the UK government, I offer them our condolences today.”

Sturgeon said: “I am shocked and sorry to learn of Alex Salmond’s death.

“Obviously, I cannot pretend that the events of the past few years which led to the breakdown of our relationship did not happen, and it would not be right for me to try.

“However, it remains the fact that for many years Alex was an incredibly significant figure in my life. He was my mentor, and for more than a decade we formed one of the most successful partnerships in UK politics.

“Alex modernised the SNP and led us into government for the first time, becoming Scotland’s fourth first minister and paving the way for the 2014 referendum which took Scotland to the brink of independence.

“He will be remembered for all of that. My thoughts are with Moira, his wider family and his friends.”

The former SNP leader and former first minister Humza Yousaf said Salmond had “helped to transform the SNP into the dominant political force it is today.

“Alex and I obviously had our differences in the last few years, but there’s no doubt about the enormous contribution he made to Scottish and UK politics.”

Anas Sarwar, the leader of Scottish Labour, said the “sad news of Alex Salmond’s passing today will come as a shock to all who knew him in Scotland, across the UK and beyond”.

He described him as “a central figure in politics over three decades” whose “contribution to the Scottish political landscape cannot be overstated”.

Tom Tugendhat, the UK’s shadow security minister, said Salmond was a “towering figure who shaped our politics for a generation”.

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Joanna Cherry, the former SNP MP, said: “I am devastated to hear this news. He was one of the most talented politicians of his generation, and by any measure the finest first minister our country has had. He changed the face of Scottish politics.

“Sadly, he was ill-used by many of his former comrades, and I am particularly sorry that he has not lived to see his vindication. Above all, I shall remember him as an inspiration and a loyal friend. My heartfelt condolences go to Moira, his family, and all who loved him.”

Salmond began his second stint as SNP leader in 2004, securing power in Holyrood in 2007. That was followed by a sweeping victory in Scottish parliamentary elections in 2011 – the precursor to the independence vote.

Salmond was a huge but divisive figure, gaining criticism for his appearances on the Russian state channel RT. He quit the channel after Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022.

He resigned from the SNP in 2018, after allegations of sexual misconduct during his time as first minister in 2013. After lengthy legal battles, he was arrested in 2019 and charged with 14 offences.

He was acquitted of all charges of sexual assault in 2020, when he was found not guilty of 12 charges of attempted rape, sexual assault and indecent assault after six hours of jury deliberations. The jury reached the uniquely Scottish verdict of “not proven” on one charge of sexual assault with intent to rape. Another charge was dropped.

The subsequent Holyrood inquiry into the Scottish government’s handling of the initial harassment complaints led to huge splits within the SNP, with some senior figures backing Salmond, and accusations that he had been the victim of a witch-hunt within the party.

He went on to form the Alba party in 2021, which challenged the SNP on its failure to deliver a second referendum but failed to make electoral headway.

Salmond was rumoured to be considering a return to frontline politics at Holyrood at the next Scottish parliament elections in 2026, with speculation that he might stand for the regional list in the north-east of Scotland.

Reflecting recently on the referendum result, Salmond said he had started to write his concession speech after the first result was declared on the night of the vote. The yes campaign lost the vote, 45% to 55%.

The first result came from Clackmannanshire, often seen as reflecting national sentiment. Voters there backed staying within the UK by 53.8% to 46.2%. “When I saw that result, I started to write my concession speech,” Salmond said.

“Nobody gave us a chance at the start. I always reckoned if we got to the positive side of the argument, if we claimed the positive side for ‘yes’, which in itself is an affirmation, then once we got into the campaign, I thought we’d pick up ground, and so we did.”

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Trump campaign worked with Musk’s X to keep leaked JD Vance file off platform | Donald Trump

Donald Trump’s presidential campaign worked with X to prevent information about his running mate JD Vance from being posted on the social media platform, a move that resulted in the journalist who revealed the information being kicked off the site, according to reports.

The former president’s team contacted X, owned by the billionaire Trump backer Elon Musk, about a 271-page document compiled by his campaign to vet Vance that was linked to by Ken Klippenstein, an independent journalist, the New York Times has reported.

X responded by blocking links to the material, claiming that it contained sensitive personal information such as the Ohio US senator’s social security number, and banned Klippenstein from the platform.

The materials published by Klippenstein on his Substack in September appear to be related to a hack of the Trump campaign earlier this year, which the FBI has linked to Iran. Documents from the hack have been shared with several media outlets, which have chosen to not publish them.

Media outlets did not reach the same decision when they gave significant attention to files from Hillary Clinton’s 2016 presidential campaign that were hacked and leaked by Russian intelligence before she ultimately lost that election to Trump. At one point Trump also said he hoped Russia would be “able to find” some of Clinton’s files.

The removal of the material from X has highlighted the increasingly strident support of Musk, the world’s richest person, for Trump’s attempt to return to the White House after losing the 2020 election to Joe Biden. After buying Twitter in 2022, Musk said that he was an advocate of free speech and the open sharing of information, even if it offended either political party.

Last week, Musk appeared at a Pennsylvania rally alongside the former president, performing an awkward jump on stage before declaring that “I’m not just Maga – I’m dark Maga” while invoking the Republican nominee’s Make America Great Again slogan.

Musk added that “this will be the last election” if Trump doesn’t win in November against Kamala Harris, complaining that she and her fellow Democrats want “to take away your freedom of speech, they want to take away your right to bear arms, they want to take away your right to vote, effectively”.

Klippenstein, whose X account has been restored following the New York Times reporting, said in a Substack post on Friday that Musk had purchased political influence and “is wielding that influence in increasingly brazen ways”.

“The real election interference here is that a social media corporation can decree certain information unfit for the American electorate,” he wrote.

“Two of our most sacred rights as Americans are the freedoms of speech and assembly, online or otherwise. It is a national humiliation that these rights can be curtailed by anyone with enough digits in their bank account.”

Musk is set to appear at further Trump rallies – and he may even knock on voters’ doors for the campaign in Pennsylvania in the coming week. He has funded a political action entity called America Pac that has spent around $80m to help Trump reach voters in crucial swing states like Pennsylvania.

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Stop pushing heat pumps or face major backlash, green energy magnate tells Labour | Heat pumps

The government risks a huge political backlash if it keeps pushing the public to install heat pumps to replace their boilers, one of Britain’s leading green entrepreneurs has warned.

Dale Vince, a major Labour donor and renewable energy advocate, called on Keir Starmer to rethink national programmes, championed by Boris Johnson, pushing the technology. Vince argued that Whitehall should explore alternatives to the devices, which he said were expensive, caused serious disruption and could end up increasing energy bills for some people.

Vince, whose criticism of heat pumps has proved divisive among environmentalists, said mass use could bring a bigger political backlash than London’s expanded ultra-low emission zone (Ulez), which led to a surprise byelection defeat for Labour last year in Uxbridge and South Ruislip.

“It’s a Johnson-era policy, and like most Johnson ideas, it wasn’t thought through,” Vince said. “It wasn’t meant for the real world, if you look at the amount of money committed. Electricity energy bills overall in our households will go up unless you assume heroic levels of performance.

Green magnate Dale Vince has criticised the government’s heat pump programme. Photograph: Simon Marper/PA

“You’ve got this incredible disruption of home life for tens of millions of people – the need to change heating systems for a lot of people, not just the boiler – and substandard outcomes in a lot of cases.”

He added: “It’s politically threatening for any government to have a heat-pump programme. If you look back at the Ulez byelection and the fuss made about it in elements of the press, imagine a heat-pump programme where a household has just spent thousands of pounds on some technology that doesn’t do the job.” In June, Vince tweeted that heat pumps were like “Ulez on steroids”.

The entrepreneur’s latest comments expose divides even among environmentalists about the best way to move home heating away from the burning of fossil fuels via a regular gas boiler. Critics such as Vince state that heat pumps could increase bills because the electricity used to run them costs far more than gas. A study by the independent Energy Saving Trust put the cost at £20 a year more than using a new A-rated gas boiler. However, new specialist heat pump tariffs could make them cheaper to run.

Johnson’s government was an advocate of the technology, setting a goal of 600,000 new heat pumps a year by 2028. While installations in the UK have hit a record number this year, they have still only reached about 42,000 since January.

Air-source heat pumps cost just over £12,500 to buy and install on average, about four to five times more than a gas boiler. But the government currently offers a £7,500 grant for households installing the technology.

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Vince claimed that he was speaking in the “national interest” in criticising heat pumps. He proposes an alternative – green gas, or biomethane, made from organic material, which his company Ecotricity develops.

Other environmentalists claim that the amount of land needed to produce enough green gas would be unrealistic, lead to food insecurity and damage biodiversity.

The Heat Pump Association, an industry body, insisted that the devices are a “proven, efficient, low-carbon heating solution which are readily available and scalable with the potential to reduce carbon emissions from heating by over 75% relative to fossil fuel heating systems”.

“Electricity prices are higher than gas prices in the UK,” it said. “However, heat pumps use three to five times less energy. Well-installed heat pumps that operate efficiently and make use of flexible electricity tariffs will in the vast majority of cases save the consumer money in comparison to their existing heating system.”

A Department for Energy Security and Net Zero spokesperson said of Vince’s concerns: “We do not recognise these claims. The energy shocks of recent years have shown the urgent need to upgrade British homes, and heat pumps are a critical technology for decarbonising heating.

“Biomethane also has an important role in the transition to net zero as a green gas that can decarbonise gas supply, reduce our reliance on fossil fuels and increase energy security.”

Vince also revealed plans to take advantage of the government’s decision to end the effective ban on onshore wind by “dusting off” a plan for 100 turbines in Gloucestershire, where his company is based, to power the county’s homes.

He said they could ultimately be transferred to the council’s ownership, handing it both an asset and long-term income. “If they were owned by the local authority, the windmills would bring £7m a year into local authority coffers,” he said.

“We will take the lead on this. We will find the sites, take them through planning and at some point in the future hope to work with local authorities to hand them over for public ownership.”

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Trump makes gains as poll figures trigger anxiety for Harris campaign | US elections 2024

Tightening poll figures have triggered nervousness and anxiety in Kamala Harris’s presidential campaign, with Donald Trump making gains in the states where it matters most as the election race enters its climactic final phase.

Amid a dramatic news cycle that has seen the US hit by two destructive hurricanes and rising fears of all-out war in the Middle East, the Guardian’s 10-day polling average tracker showed the vice-president and Democratic nominee with a two-point nationwide lead, 48% to 46%, over her Republican opponent as of 10 October – tellingly, down from a 4% advantage she registered a fortnight ago.

More plainly worrying for the Democrats is the picture it paints in what are generally regarded as the seven key battleground states that will determine who ends up in the White House: Pennsylvania, Michigan, Wisconsin, North Carolina, Georgia, Arizona and Nevada.

All seven show minuscule differences between the candidates that are within the margin of error. Crucially, Harris leads in just three – fractional leads in Nevada and Michigan, and a slim one-point advantage in Pennsylvania.

Trump has wafer-thin leads in the five remaining swing states.

If that were to be replicated when voters go to the polls on 5 November, it would get Trump past the 270 electoral college votes threshold needed for victory and propel him back to the Oval Office.

The crumb of comfort for Harris is that, with multiple surveys telling contradictory tales when the details are scrutinised, that particular outcome probably won’t happen.

Indeed, a simulation using polling, economic and demographic data from FiveThirtyEight still had Harris winning the election 55 times out of 100, as of Thursday lunchtime. And a Wall Street Journal survey on Friday also painted a brighter outlook by showing Harris maintaining slight leads in Arizona, Michigan, Wisconsin and Georgia – enough to give her a narrow electoral college win if borne out on polling day.

Yet the margins are perplexing for Democratic strategists, given that the vice-president’s campaign recently disclosed that it had raised $1bn within 80 days of Harris replacing Joe Biden as the party’s nominee in July. The amount greatly surpasses that raised by Trump’s campaign.

By late August, Trump’s campaign had brought in a relatively modest $309m, although it has the advantage of financial support from entrepreneur Elon Musk’s Super Pac, which is offering cash incentives to people in swing states to register Trump-friendly voters.

Whatever the cash advantages, Harris seems to have lost some momentum in the “blue wall” Rust belt battlegrounds of Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania since her 10 September debate performance against Trump in Philadelphia, when she was generally seen as coming out on top.

That was illustrated by a Quinnipiac University poll last Wednesday that recorded the five-point lead she held in Michigan in the week following the debate being transformed into a three-point advantage for Trump, 50% to 47%; in Wisconsin, a one-point post-debate advantage turned into a 2% lead for Trump. And in Pennsylvania, a six-point Harris lead was halved to 3%.

One issue casting a shadow over Harris’s prospects is the intensifying conflict in the Middle East, with Israel’s offensive against Hezbollah, the Iran-backed Lebanese Shia group, threatening to further erode support among the large ethnic Arab voting bloc in Michigan that was already angry over the White House’s backing of the Israeli war against Hamas in Gaza.

Quinnipiac’s survey shows Trump with significant leads on the issue in both Michigan and Wisconsin.

Trump has apparently become so confident of victory that he has begun moving beyond the battlegrounds to stage rallies in Democratic strongholds such as New York, California, Illinois and New York, despite polls indicating he has little chance of winning there. The move seems calculated to project an air of impending triumph.

With just 24 days left before polling day, time is running out for Harris to correct her poll stutters, Democratic strategists fear. The timetable has been further curtailed by the twin storms, Hurricanes Helene and Milton, that have buffeted the south-east of the US in the past two weeks, diverting Harris from the campaign trail and presenting Trump with an opportunity to spout lies and falsehoods about her and Biden’s supposed failure to mount a recovery effort.

“I’m very, very concerned and very scared,” James Carville, the acknowledged mastermind of Bill Clinton’s successful 1992 campaign and author of its signature slogan – “It’s the economy, stupid,” – told MSNBC last week.

Warning of limited time for Harris to communicate a more aggressive message to voters, Carville continued: “Today is gone. You’re going to lose four to the hurricane … and everything kind of shuts down the Saturday before the election. So you’re really probably under 20 days that you have to really get a message out.”

Calling for a targeted attack on Trump’s plan to impose import tariffs – which economists have warned will stoke inflation – he added: “They need to be sharp. They need to be aggressive. They need to stop answering questions and start asking questions.”

But amid the gathering gloom, glimmers of light remain for Harris. Though survey after survey give Trump clear leads on issues of greatest importance to voters – namely, the economy, inflation and rising costs, and immigration – a majority of voters feel the country is headed in the wrong direction.

And just as Harris has been unable to convert her financial reserves into clear poll leads, Trump is exhibiting a similar failing despite having the edge on some headline issues.

The reason, the Wall Street Journal suggested, may be that his lead on economic issues is more nuanced than at first sight. For instance, Harris has a 6% advantage on bread-and-butter questions indicating that she “cares about people like you”. Likewise, while a majority said Trump has the right experience to be president, 48% said he was “too extreme”, compared with 34% who said the same about Harris, according to the paper’s poll.

Harris may have failed to land an electoral knockout, but her opponent – for all his bombast and resilience – has vulnerabilities and weaknesses that make a victory on points within reach.

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My abuse in the Osho Rajneesh cult has haunted me for decades. Now I’m ready to speak out | Sarito Carroll

In 1978, when I was nine years old, I unexpectedly moved to India with my free-spirited mother, who had recently become a disciple of Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh (later known as Osho). Like others of her generation, she was swept up in the allure of Rajneesh’s promises: enlightenment, freedom and belonging. Osho denounced traditional religion, offering a new path to self-liberation through cathartic meditations and therapy groups, communal living and free love. In the west, they called Osho the “sex guru”.

Shortly after our arrival at Rajneesh’s ashram, I was initiated into the community and the guru gave me a new name: Ma Prem Sarito. I felt as if I now belonged, and being in the ashram was an exhilarating adventure, a portal to a world where normal boundaries dissolved. School became a distant memory. The lush gardens and nooks and crannies of the ashram were transformed into a playground where my friends and I roamed freely, liberated from structure and rules. My mother, like many other parents, embraced Rajneesh’s philosophy that children belonged not to their biological parents but to the collective. Before long, I moved into the ashram and rarely interacted with my mother.

Though I was loved by many sannyasins (Rajneesh’s devotees) and some looked out for me, there was no formal structure to ensure my emotional or physical wellbeing. Over time, the facade of love and celebration began to crack, revealing darker undercurrents that quietly enveloped me. It began innocently enough – a guard teaching my friends and me how to french kiss. But soon I began to sense the inappropriate attention of certain men.

One day, a man coaxed me and another girl into giving him a hand job. We were both only 10 years old. Though I tried to convince myself it was just a game, a reflection of the open sexuality around us, it felt grossly wrong. Deep down, I knew that unless I remained vigilant, situations like this would continue to occur.

These darker undercurrents entangled me more fully when, in 1981, the commune moved to the US. I was among the first to arrive at the ranch the commune had bought in central Oregon. It was during those early days that I was lured into what I thought was a love affair with a much older man. I was only 12 years old; he was 29. However, what I believed to be love was no such thing.

At the time I suffered silently as he repeatedly drew me in with affection and took me to bed only to ignore me for days as I watched him pursue adult women and, in time, my peers. At the same time, other men circled, and eventually I gave in, as sleeping around and being “liberated” was the norm that was modelled to me. As time passed, I felt increasingly worthless and angst ridden, and took my bad feelings to mean I was flawed. We were to be positive, not negative, so I didn’t speak of my pain and confusion.

When the commune collapsed in 1985, we were all flung back into the world unprepared. I was 16, disoriented, broke and unsure of who I was. The trauma of my upbringing haunted me, but I couldn’t yet name it. As the years passed, I came to see it for what it was and came to see how Osho’s teachings tilled the soil for abuse – under the guise of spiritual freedom to boot. It sickened me. I distanced myself from the movement, from the teachings, and forged a life of my own.

Then in 2018 Netflix released Wild Wild Country, a docuseries about the community at the Rajneeshpuram complex. Watching it stirred my heartache and my fury. The series brought Rajneesh back into the public eye – but it only scratched the surface, focusing on the political and criminal scandals in Oregon. What about us children?

Bhagwan Shree Rajneesh speaks to his disciples at the Rajneeshpuram commune in Oregon. Photograph: Jack Smith/AP

I gathered my courage and shared about my abuse in a Rajneesh Facebook group. At that time I was too scared to name my perpetrators. I found some support on the group, but many of the responses were the same old things I’d heard before, such as: “The kids seemed so mature”, or, “It’s not like all the kids were abused – it’s just how you choose to see it.” I left that discussion feeling enraged and determined to break my silence outside the insular Rajneesh community. I reached out to several peers I knew had also experienced abuse, hoping they would join me in speaking out.

They all initially declined, but three years later, in 2021, I received an unexpected call from one of them telling me she was finally ready. We began to share our stories, igniting a reckoning in which many other commune youth, and even adults, came forward and shared their own stories of abuse. Each new revelation was heart-wrenching. One of my peers from Rajneeshpuram said she had slept with 70 men, another said 150. This was before either of them had turned 16.

Children from the Rajneesh communes in Europe also spoke up. This is how I came to know Maroesja Perizonius, director of the documentary Children of the Cult. In her post, Maroesja recounted her own abuse in the Rajneesh commune in Amsterdam. For her, it began at the age of 13. Maroesja and I connected and quickly realised we shared the same determination to expose the systemic abuse that had been suppressed for too long. We each embarked on our creative paths: I began writing my memoir, and she set out to make a film that unveils the pervasive abuse carried out in the name of love and light. Though it has taken me decades to find my voice, I stand here today proud to join Maroesja and others to ensure that our stories are finally heard.

  • Sarito Carroll is featured in the film Children of the Cult and is the author of In the Shadows of Enlightenment: A Girl’s Journey Through the Osho Rajneesh Cult, due out this autumn

  • In the UK, the NSPCC offers support to children on 0800 1111, and adults concerned about a child on 0808 800 5000. The National Association for People Abused in Childhood (Napac) offers support for adult survivors on 0808 801 0331. In the US, call or text the Childhelp abuse hotline on 800-422-4453. In Australia, children, young adults, parents and teachers can contact the Kids Helpline on 1800 55 1800, or Bravehearts on 1800 272 831, and adult survivors can contact Blue Knot Foundation on 1300 657 380. Other sources of help can be found at Child Helplines International

  • Do you have an opinion on the issues raised in this article? If you would like to submit a response of up to 300 words by email to be considered for publication in our letters section, please click here.

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‘We all hope it’s teething troubles – but worry it’s something worse’: the inside story of Labour’s first 100 days in power | Labour

At this year’s Labour party conference, health secretary Wes Streeting opened his DJ set at one late-night party with the feminist anthem Independent Women by Destiny’s Child. It was a tribute to Rachel Reeves, who was standing nearby.

A few moments later, partygoers watched as the health secretary scurried over, a look of faux alarm on his face. “It’s the lyrics – I’m so sorry!” he gasped. The chancellor, a quizzical look on her face, joined him as he mouthed the offending words: “The shoes on my feet (I bought ’em). The clothes I’m wearing (I bought ’em) … ” They stifled horrified laughter.

The cash-for-clothes row, in which Keir Starmer, Angela Rayner and, to a lesser extent, Reeves have come under sustained fire for accepting gifts worth thousands of pounds from Labour peer Lord Waheed Alli, has been a low point for the newly elected government. It is certainly not how Starmer envisaged his first 100 days in office would end. Keen to avoid the same mistakes as Tony Blair, who later admitted he wished he had done more early on, this Labour government got off to a hyperactive start after 14 years out in the cold.

But along with all the big decisions, new legislation, foreign trips and attempts to set the political narrative, they have found themselves buffeted by headwinds: not just over donations, but also stories of internal rows at No 10 and, perhaps most significantly, a backlash over the cut to the winter fuel payment.

There are, of course, different views on how meaningful “100 days” assessments really are. Do these first weeks set the tone for government, or are they quickly forgotten? After all, any new administration takes time to get their feet under the table, especially when they have little institutional memory of power. But, for better or worse, this is a moment when the political ecosystem pauses and ponders. I spoke to more than two dozen people, including cabinet ministers, senior political aides, leading civil servants and Keir Starmer himself, to get a sense of how it has been on the inside.


When Keir Starmer walked up Downing Street just hours after Labour had won its enormous landslide victory, he grasped his wife Victoria by the hand and worked his way up the flag-waving, cheering crowd, shaking hands and hugging. The images were beamed across the world. But what nobody picked up was the fleeting moment when the new prime minister locked eyes with his two teenage children, who were tucked away in the throng.

“I can safely tell you this secret now,” he tells me. “We hid the kids in the crowd in Downing Street. I really wanted them to be there, but we didn’t want them walking down the street because of the way we’ve tried to keep them out of the public eye.

I caught their eye. I didn’t go to them, for obvious reasons. But it was fantastic to have them there. Nobody knew. But it was a really important moment for the family.”

  • Top: Starmer ascends the famous stairs at No 10. Above: Larry, the Downing Street cat, takes centre stage

After Starmer’s speech to the country, the couple headed through the famous black door of No 10 to be greeted by the cabinet secretary, Simon Case. But Starmer stopped briefly to shake hands with one man: Morgan McSweeney, the political mastermind behind the party’s win. The Starmers were led into the cabinet room, where they were joined by their children, Victoria’s sister and elderly father, Bernard, for a cup of tea and a biscuit, and a brief chance to privately take in the enormity of what had just unfolded.

For his team, bone-tired from an intense 43-day election campaign, yet running on adrenaline after a night of dramatic results, their arrival in Downing Street on the morning of 5 July came as something of a shock.

“You get two or three hours sleep in a hotel, then stagger to 70 Whitehall,” one senior No 10 figure says, referring to the address of the Cabinet Office. “They give you a bacon sandwich, a coffee and a terrifying security briefing, and then you get ushered into a room to start forming a government.”

“It’s mad, it doesn’t feel safe,” another adds. “It’s an incredibly brutal system. Other countries have transition periods.” World leaders including Joe Biden, Emmanuel Macron and Olaf Scholz made the same point in their first phone calls with the new prime minister.

Labour had a plan for their early days of government, carefully worked on for months by Sue Gray, Starmer’s then chief of staff. But despite that, I hear one constant refrain: it has been far from easy. Starmer insists he expected that. “It’s proved the thesis that government is tougher, but also that government is better, because you get to take decisions.”

But after a bumpy start, there is anxiety that this might be more than the usual stumbles of a government getting used to the vagaries of office, and instead the symptoms of a dysfunctional No 10 operation, and even a lack of political acumen at the top. Yet there are still enough veterans of Blair’s early days to reassure Starmer that his predecessor’s first months have been viewed through rose-tinted spectacles, glossing over a damaging rebellion over benefit cuts for single-parent families, and the Bernie Ecclestone Formula One lobbying scandal.

Starmer came into office aware that public opinion was not on his side, acknowledging in his Tate Modern rally late on election night that showing politics could be a force for good was the “great test” of our era. Just days before, a YouGov poll found that even among those who planned to vote Labour, more than 40% did not have high hopes.

  • Top: Starmer with Italian PM Giorgia Meloni at the Villa Doria Pamphili, Rome, on 16 September. Above: meeting Italian CEOs in Rome

But while his first three months have brought successes at home and abroad, his government has been beset by rows not just over donations and internal power struggles at No 10, but over the tough economic choices ahead, as well as questions over his political judgment that have left many in his party feeling jittery.

Those who work most closely with Starmer say that his strength is “keeping his eye on the horizon” and being unswayed by what he sees as obstacles along the way. “I knew from observing previous governments that you’re going to get side winds all the time,” Starmer says. “But my line of sight is on what I’ve got to have delivered after one five-year term, and a decade of national renewal.”

Yet even those close to him accept he doesn’t always appreciate how aloof that approach might appear. “We all hope it’s teething troubles,” one senior Labour politician confides. “But we all worry in case it’s something worse.”

Finally, after warnings from senior aides and cabinet ministers to “get a grip”, Starmer came to the conclusion that some of those side winds risked blowing the government fully off course. His response: Gray would have to go.


One of Starmer’s first tasks on entering office was to pick his cabinet. He had always planned to transfer his shadow team straight over into government roles, with a few tweaks. The reshuffle appeared to go smoothly. But behind the scenes it was more fraught.

“We had to work out who had held their seats and where everybody was. Hilary Benn was still in Leeds. Steve Reed was late because he was at home in his shorts,” one aide says. They were given the Northern Ireland and environment briefs. “After Shabana [Mahmood] was offered justice secretary she panicked about whether she was also lord chancellor, which usually goes with the job, and tried to get back into the room to check.” She was reassured that was the case by civil servants. “Liz [Kendall] was so emotional she was in tears.”

The arrivals didn’t go entirely to plan. They had been carefully choreographed so the most senior ministers would get there first. But Yvette Cooper and David Lammy, as home and foreign secretary respectively, had their movements controlled by their security teams, and in the meantime Wes Streeting sauntered up the street.

Initially at least, the rest of it went as hoped. Just four days after taking office, Starmer flew to Washington DC for the Nato summit. “It’s a gift from Rishi,” he chuckled to officials. It was a useful early opportunity to meet world leaders while the electoral gold dust was still glimmering, and they all were keen for some to rub off.

Starmer paid his first visit to the White House at the height of speculation over Joe Biden’s future. The two men discussed the “special relationship” and wider global affairs. But officials who had followed the UK election campaign closely were amused when they touched on their fathers, and Starmer volunteered that his was a toolmaker.

Later, on his third visit to the US as prime minister, he would meet Donald Trump for a private two-hour dinner at Trump Tower in New York, riding up to his penthouse in the garish gold elevator amid heavy security after two assassination attempts. Labour was on a charm offensive after senior party figures criticised the former president in the past, with Lammy, who attended the dinner, previously describing Trump as a “tyrant in a toupee”.

“He came up from Florida for it, so he took it really seriously,” Starmer says. “He’s different in private than he is in public. The way he engages in conversations, the way he addresses issues. He’s more thoughtful.” Trump was curious about how Labour had won back the “red wall” to secure such a huge election victory, sources say, perhaps with an eye on how the rust belt states in the US could play a similar role in his own re-election campaign.


Back home, Labour’s first king’s speech initially went off without a hitch, bringing in bills to nationalise the railways and establish Great British Energy, improve workers’ rights and change planning rules to build more houses. In a frenzy of activity, ministers scrapped the Tories’ Rwanda scheme and set up a border security command to tackle small-boat crossings. They invited Ukrainian president Volodymyr Zelenskyy to Downing Street, and took first steps to reset relations with the EU. They reached pay deals with junior doctors and train drivers, and funded above-inflation public sector wage rises, helping to reverse years of decline.

But just two weeks into office, Starmer faced his first major test, a Commons rebellion calling for the two-child benefit cap to be scrapped. Inside No 10, it was seen as an early and not entirely unhelpful opportunity to flex their muscles with Labour backbenchers, particularly on the left. Outside, though, it filled many MPs, including some in the cabinet, with dismay. “If we’re not tackling child poverty, what are we?” one said at the time.

All seven rebels, including veteran leftwinger John McDonnell, were stripped of the whip for six months. The government announced a child poverty taskforce, but it did little to stem despair across the party, and the wider public, over such a symbolic issue.

Starmer had always been clear there would be tough choices ahead given the state of the economy, and wanted to pin the blame on the Tories as fast as possible. Over in the Treasury the chief secretary, Darren Jones, joked that he had gone through his desk drawers in case his predecessor had left him a “no money left” note.

Within days of becoming chancellor, Reeves announced the Treasury would be carrying out an audit of the fiscal inheritance – one of the worst since the second world war. It found a £22bn black hole in government spending plans for essential public services in 2024-25. Labour immediately leapt on the deficit as evidence of irresponsible management of the economy, paving the way for tax increases and painful spending cuts in the budget. But to help fill the black hole, they made what many regard as their biggest mistake: cutting the winter fuel payment.

Reeves has been bullish – in private and in public – about the decision, arguing that she had no choice and that the axe would otherwise have fallen on support for disabled people or families with children. “There’s no way I’m doing that,” she is said to have told angry MPs.

She has doubled down on her “iron chancellor” image, which aides believe has helped restore the party’s reputation for fiscal competence. In one political cabinet meeting, Ed Miliband, highlighting radical decisions made in straitened times, paid tribute to Labour for setting up the NHS in 1948 when rationing was still in place. Later, a minister was overheard teasing him for giving Reeves ideas. “Rationing?” she quipped. “I’ll make a note of that.”

Many cabinet ministers are uncomfortable about the choice – and worry it will be weaponised by the Tories this winter – but for now are staying quiet. “[Reeves’ team] listened to the Treasury civil servants, rather than thinking about the political impact,” complains one senior party figure. “They’ve handled it appallingly,” adds a cabinet minister.

Starmer admits it was one of the toughest choices he has had to make in government. “Of course it is. Of course I understand and respect people’s concerns,” he says. “But I deeply and strongly believe that we’ve got to stabilise the economy.”

But one No 10 Labour adviser speaks to a wider anxiety. “People think it gives them an insight into how Labour will govern. They worry that what we’re going to do is hit people like them. They’re waiting for the moment of betrayal after so many years of being let down.”


Internal frustrations within Starmer’s top team, which had been kept at bay by the election, began to bubble over, with Gray increasingly becoming the lightning rod. Some political colleagues accused her of “control freakery” and creating a “bottleneck” in No 10 that had delayed policy decisions and appointments.

“Before the election she said that cutting the number of spads was about ensuring the civil service ran things,” one campaign insider claims.

Special advisers, even usually loyal ones, were especially forthcoming in their criticism, with conversations quickly turning to how she handled their contracts and salaries. Their anger exploded into the semi-open when it was leaked that Gray was paid more than the prime minister.

“There’s a bunch of political advisers who could get access to Keir whenever they wanted in opposition,” one source said at the time. “But now they can’t – that’s not how government works – and they don’t like it. Sue is protecting his time. She’s just doing her job.”

Preparations for government had been put in the hands of Gray and a small team of party officials, working at a secretive office around the corner from Labour’s HQ in Southwark. Visitors were discouraged. “We were told Sue had a plan, and to keep our noses out of it,” says one campaign adviser. “But she clearly didn’t.”

One view is that some of Downing Street’s early problems could have been avoided if they had spun a clearer narrative around all the activity. “There was no big set of announcements to capture that spirit of change,” says an insider.

Gray was getting the blame for many of the missteps. It had become unsustainable. At the end of last week, Starmer summoned her to a meeting, at which he told her that she would have to go. McSweeney was appointed chief-of-staff in her place, supported by two deputies and a new director of strategic communications; there are hopes of calmer waters. “I want to make Downing Street boring again,” McSweeney is said to have told officials.

If the reset at the top fails to deliver, there is nowhere left to hide.

But Starmer believes they’re now on track. “You will always get people giving a view, of course. I do it myself in Arsenal games, as do 59,999 other fans. It’s the same in politics. But only the manager knows the gameplan for this match.”


At the end of July, Starmer’s plan to make a speech warning that “things will get worse” before they get better was blown off course by a horrific stabbing at a dance class in Southport, which left three young girls dead, sparking a series of far-right riots that spread nationwide. His response was unequivocal. As rioters threw bricks at police officers, set vehicles on fire and attacked a mosque, the prime minister warned they would “feel the full force of the law” and be hauled in front of the courts within one week. He was fearful the situation could spin even more out of control. “When people tried to set fire to a hotel in Rotherham, that was the point where I was really worried,” he says.

In the first emergency Cobra meeting on the riots, he was presented with official data that showed there were just five spaces available in jails in the north-west of England. “Keir’s eyes almost popped out,” one attendee says. Yet the crisis played to Starmer’s strengths, including his experience running the Crown Prosecution Service during the London riots in 2011, and after a week the disorder subsided, leaving the country scarred but his own reputation enhanced.

By then, however, the Commons was in recess and everybody was on holiday, so his plan for a speech was delayed. When the moment finally came, most people were enjoying the late-August sun and the news that Oasis were reuniting. It seemed an odd time to bring them back down to earth with a bump. “I have to be honest with you: things are worse than we ever imagined,” Starmer said, setting off a ripple of anxiety among Labour MPs, many desperate for the government to offer some hope after their landslide victory.

Downing Street brushed aside the jitters. “They need to get over it,” said one source at the time. “The public is sick of boosterism. Boris Johnson overpromising and underdelivering is a big factor in why people have lost faith in politics.” But within weeks, consumer confidence had fallen sharply amid growing fears over how much pain the budget would inflict. Many ministers felt the bleak outlook had been a mistake and could damage the push for growth. “The miserablism was totally self-defeating,” one Labour figure says.

  • Top: watching Arsenal while at conference. Above: with the chancellor, Rachel Reeves, backstage

No 10 strategists have since admitted they overdid the negativity, sending out Pat McFadden – described by one colleague as a man who “could make an undertaker look cheerful” – to roll the pitch. “We may need to adjust the treble and the bass a bit, but the tune is the right one,” a source insists.


In late August, it emerged that Lord Alli, a long-term Labour donor who ran fundraising during the campaign, had been given a Downing Street pass, signed off by Gray. Nobody seemed clear why. “Waheed is a millionaire and he already has a peerage,” said one cabinet minister. “What more can he possibly want?”

The damaging headlines continued. Alli was also Starmer’s biggest personal donor, giving him tens of thousands of pounds for designer glasses, clothes – including for his wife – and the use of a penthouse apartment during the campaign, which he later justified by saying his son needed somewhere quiet to study for his GCSEs. The hashtag #FreeGearKeir began trending on social media.

Alli, who has an estimated £200m fortune, also loaned Rayner his luxury Manhattan apartment over New Year and paid for education secretary Bridget Phillipson’s 40th birthday party, as well as clothes for the deputy prime minister and Reeves. Cabinet ministers watched in incredulity as the stories kept coming.

McFadden was overheard accusing the media of false equivalence. “There’s an attempt to say we’re all the same. I don’t believe that,” he said. Starmer agrees. “Look at what went before – Covid contracts, not actually complying with the rules, lying to parliament. It is a million miles away from all of that.” But the defiance risked blinding Labour to the obvious point: that the public has little patience for Westminster scandals. Telling them no rules have been broken or the Tories did worse does little to change that.

The government eventually moved to shut down the row, saying that top ministers would no longer accept free clothes, and changing the rules on declaring interests and hospitality, while Starmer repaid some of the gifts – including Taylor Swift tickets – he had received since becoming prime minister, although not his free Arsenal tickets.

Inside Labour, though, there is exasperation at how No 10 has handled the row. Some feel Starmer’s argument that he was saving the public purse in security costs by watching the football in a corporate box was flimsy. One aide tries to explain: “Keir regards it as tittle-tattle, a distraction, so his instinct is to ignore it.” Starmer himself tells me: “The moment I allow myself to get too bogged down in the side winds is the point that other governments have gone wrong in my view, because they’ve lost sight of what the real point of government is.”

However, he later admits that he does understand the public aversion to politicians receiving gifts. “Yes, I can see that. I can see why you and others ask as many questions as you can.”

The political and media environment that Starmer has walked into is entirely different from what has gone before. “There’s a naivety about what a knife-fight politics is today,” a senior official says. “Nothing is off limits. It’s a very brutal learning curve.”


Starmer’s friends say he has found the last few weeks, when his own family has been dragged into the donations row, particularly difficult. He is acutely aware that his teenage children, a son and a daughter, are at an impressionable age.

“These things are never easy, but I suppose they’re part of the territory,” he tells me. “I’ve had versions of this before. I had it with Durham and beergate. I’m not going to pretend it’s pleasant, but it wasn’t a first-time experience, and I doubt it will be a last one, either.”

Before he took office, Starmer promised his family he would try to keep Friday evenings with them sacred. “It has been a bit of a struggle, to be honest, because there’s been so much going on, but we’re still trying to carve out time,” he says. The family has installed Sky TV in the flat, so they can watch the football together.

He wakes at 6am and spends the next two hours reading, before meetings with his top team. He usually heads upstairs to see the family around 8pm, and will do a bit more reading after the News at Ten, before heading to bed. He admits it feels “a bit odd” living in the Downing Street flat (where aides say the wallpaper installed by Boris Johnson is more muddy yellow than gold), but at least “it’s the shortest commute I’ve ever had”. It also means, for the first time in years, he sees his children when they get home from school. “Even if I’m in a meeting, and all I can do is say hello, give them a kiss and send them upstairs.”

When the riots kicked off, Starmer cancelled his family holiday to Italy. Friends say he was exhausted after the long buildup to the election, but felt he should stay, especially when police were being asked to cancel leave. “Don’t get me wrong, I don’t think that cancelling your holiday is a good thing,” he tells me. “I don’t believe in this sort of politics that says, you know, anybody that has a day off is a poor decision maker.”

Yet for all the difficulties navigating family life in No 10, officials and aides alike say that Starmer is more temperamentally suited to the role of prime minister than leader of the opposition. “There were times when he was utterly miserable,” one friend says. “He would sit with his head in his hands in frustration at not being able to do anything.”

Starmer increasingly spends his days in Downing Street working in the study upstairs, rather than the office used by most of his predecessors, having replaced the portrait of Margaret Thatcher that used to hang there with a landscape painting after feeling unsettled by her constant gaze. He has lunch at his desk, and is back on Pret tuna baguettes, having sworn off them in the campaign after eating them every day for five weeks, and drinks strong cups of tea throughout the day.

The civil service has had to get used to “Keir time”, with Starmer openly disapproving of anybody who turns up even a minute late to meetings. But officials say he is the first prime minister since David Cameron to trust his cabinet to get on with the job.

Some ministers remain worried about living up to the weight of public expectation. They want him to better articulate what that change might look like, rather than just getting on with the job. In his conference speech, Starmer turned the dial, telling his audience he understood their impatience for change. He tells me there was a need for “a bit of sunny uplands”, and recognises that people are scared of being disappointed.

“I have a heavy responsibility. My job is to deliver and I’m going to get judged on delivery. In the end, I want people to be better off under a Labour government. I want to be able to look people in the eye and say we’ve changed the way our economy works, so you are better off.”

The budget later this month is unlikely to make him any more popular, with his personal ratings plunging to -30 after the conference. No 10 is undeterred. “You can’t say you’re going to do unpopular things and then say, ‘Oh my God, they’ve made me unpopular,’” a source says.

Most Labour insiders believe the government can bounce back now that the new No 10 operation is in place. “It’s not like Liz Truss fucking the economy,” a source says. “None of this is terminal.”

By the time of the next election, they believe, the country will be back on its feet, and voters who put their faith in Labour last time round reassured. Another insider is more succinct: “It’s all about delivery now. And if we don’t deliver, we’re fucked.”

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Blind date: ‘I can’t think of a reason not to award a 10’ | Life and style

Rashpal on Chloe

What were you hoping for?
A pleasant evening full of glowing conversation and good food.

First impressions?
Friendly and a lovely smile.

What did you talk about?
Poetry. Literature. Writers. Major events in our lives. Children. Our careers. Even music.

Most awkward moment?
I knocked over my beer bottle but Chloe didn’t seem to mind.

Good table manners?
Excellent.

Best thing about Chloe?
Her conversation and confidence.

Would you introduce Chloe to your friends?
Absolutely.

Describe Chloe in three words.
Charming, creative and polite.

What do you think Chloe made of you?
I am sure she enjoyed my company and conversation on literature.

Q&A

Fancy a blind date?

Show

Blind date is Saturday’s dating column: every week, two
strangers are paired up for dinner and drinks, and then spill the beans
to us, answering a set of questions. This runs, with a photograph we
take of each dater before the date, in Saturday magazine (in the
UK) and online at theguardian.com every Saturday. It’s been running since 2009 – you can read all about how we put it together here.

What questions will I be asked?
We
ask about age, location, occupation, hobbies, interests and the type of
person you are looking to meet. If you do not think these questions
cover everything you would like to know, tell us what’s on your mind.

Can I choose who I match with?
No,
it’s a blind date! But we do ask you a bit about your interests,
preferences, etc – the more you tell us, the better the match is likely
to be.

Can I pick the photograph?
No, but don’t worry: we’ll choose the nicest ones.

What personal details will appear?
Your first name, job and age.

How should I answer?
Honestly
but respectfully. Be mindful of how it will read to your date, and that
Blind date reaches a large audience, in print and online.

Will I see the other person’s answers?
No. We may edit yours and theirs for a range of reasons, including length, and we may ask you for more details.

Will you find me The One?
We’ll try! Marriage! Babies!

Can I do it in my home town?
Only if it’s in the UK. Many of our applicants live in London, but we would love to hear from people living elsewhere.

How to apply
Email [email protected]

Thank you for your feedback.

Did you go on somewhere?
No, her last train was pending.

And … did you kiss?
We had a hug and a kiss on the cheek.

If you could change one thing about the evening what would it be?
I had rushed to make 7pm because of parking issues and must have seemed flustered. That’s what I would change, because Chloe seemed very relaxed.

Marks out of 10?
A solid 9.

Would you meet again?
Probably …

Rashpal and Chloe on their date.

Chloe on Rashpal

What were you hoping for?
Thunderbolts and lightning! Or at least, a fun evening.

First impressions?
Tall, handsome, smiley.

What did you talk about?
Books. Poems. Politics. Travels. I was fascinated to hear about Rashpal’s work in prisons. We disagreed on whether Leonardo DiCaprio makes a good Romeo … Of course he does!

Most awkward moment?
I can be very nosy, so maybe I asked one or two questions that were overly direct.

Good table manners?
Excellent. He shared his pudding with me, and his pot of tea.

Best thing about Rashpal?
He is full of enthusiasm and has a vivid way of describing his experiences.

Would you introduce Rashpal to your friends?
Of course. Rashpal would enliven any social occasion.

Describe Rashpal in three words
Wholehearted, genuine and open.

What do you think he made of you?
Curious and determined to enjoy myself (I didn’t hold back on the martinis).

Did you go on somewhere?
We lingered in the restaurant until we were the only people left and then I had to dash for the last train.

And … did you kiss?
The vibe felt more friendly than romantic – although I believe friendly is a fine place to begin. So a warm hug and a kiss on the cheek.

If you could change one thing about the evening what would it be?
Nothing – the food was delicious and the company fantastic.

Marks out of 10?
I can’t think of a reason not to award a 10.

Would you meet again?
Happily.

Rashpal and Chloe ate at Sabai Sabai, Waterloo St, Birmingham. Fancy a blind date? Email [email protected]

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